How important is nonprofit journalism?

Donate by May 7 and your gift to The Center for Public Integrity will be matched dollar-for-dollar up to $15,000.

Global Climate Change Lobby

The EU's billion-Euro bet

By Brigitte Alfter

Copenhagen — Capturing and storing carbon dioxide from power stations and other industrial plants is seen as the solution to controlling CO2 — at least according to companies like Shell and BP, who have an obvious interest, as well as some leading climate change experts.

Known as carbon capture and storage, or CCS, the technology is derided by its critics, who claim that – in a world increasingly worried about greenhouse gas emissions – it is one more excuse to continue burning fossil fuels. Plans for CCS, a relatively recent technology, typically involve injecting massive amounts of CO2 underground or into the oceans. Its problems are numerous: the technology is energy intensive, and there are concerns over leakage of the carbon, challenges finding appropriate storage areas, and costs so huge they could suck away funds for renewable energy.

For true believers, however, the only obstacle facing CCS is cost, and they have lobbied the European Union to launch a billion-euro series of demonstration projects. “Despite the bright long-term prospects of CCS, the question remains of how we will close the gap between the current state of affairs and the building of the profitable plant,” said Lars Strömberg of Vattenfall, the Swedish state-owned energy giant, speaking at an October conference in Brussels. (Vattenfall holds a massive interest in German coal-fueled power stations.) Even the multi-billion-euro aid now made available by the EU is not sufficient to make CCS commercially viable by 2020, proponents say.

Global Climate Change Lobby

European ambitions hit a wall of carbon

By Brigitte Alfter

Copenhagen — The press room fell to a hush as German Chancellor Angela Merkel, then-president of the European Union, took the podium at a Brussels summit in March 2007. Merkel was announcing the EU’s new climate package, easily the world’s most impressive commitment so far to reducing climate change. As journalists scribbled, Merkel laid out what would become known as the EU’s 20-20-20 plan: to cut CO2 emissions by 20 percent, increase energy efficiency by 20 percent, and expand renewable use to 20 percent of energy by 2020. If an international agreement were reached, Merkel announced, the goal of CO2 reduction could even be raised to 30 percent.

It was an inspiring moment. “Europe has a pioneer role,” Merkel announced. “We believe that this role is necessary, not least in order to inspire and convince partners outside of Europe to similarly ambitious targets.” For Merkel, who had to unite EU nations behind a plan when she was Germany’s environment minister, the speech marked the culmination of years of dedication to curbing global warming.

Shepherding 27 countries toward an agreement had not been easy. Yet there had never been any question about the obligations of the EU — the world’s second-largest historical emitter of greenhouse gases — to reduce greenhouse emissions. The European ambition was not just the result of broad concern about the environment, but also about pride in being the world leader on the issue. The real concern now was how to distribute the burden of responsibility among EU nations, whose membership spans countries from Estonia and Romania to Luxembourg and the United Kingdom.

Global Climate Change Lobby

Alternative energy voices fight to be heard in Copenhagen

By Kate Willson and Andrew Green

Copenhagen — Industry officials are arriving in droves today to take part in what’s being pegged as the seminal global event on climate change. The place is expected to fill with representatives of traditional carbon-intensive industries, like oil and coal. But the first to set up their exhibit booths at the conference center in Copenhagen are largely those whose voices have been drowned out — the people representing wind, solar, and other renewable energy sources.

Global Climate Change Lobby

The climate lobby at Copenhagen

By Kate Willson and Andrew Green

Before the ICIJ team leaves for Copenhagen we sat down with Marianne Lavelle, who has been heading up our domestic coverage, to find out what’s going on in Washington.

Global Climate Change Lobby

Canada's about-face on climate

By William Marsden

Montreal — When world leaders met on Sept. 22 at the United Nations headquarters in New York for a critical summit on climate change, one head of state of a major oil-producing country notably declined to speak and generally appeared to be missing in action.

While the United States’ Barack Obama, China’s Hu Jintao, and Japan’s Yukio Hatoyama seized the stage, Canada’s Prime Minister Stephen Harper made only a brief stop and was soon back home, at a media event in suburban Ontario. There, in the town of Oakville, he declared that his corporate tax cuts had successfully lured back from the U.S. the headquarters of the giant Tim Hortons donut franchise. For the moment anyway, global warming could wait. It was time to bite into a double-glazed.

For Canadians, Harper’s lack of interest in the U.N. summit was unremarkable. His policies are firmly rooted in the deep conservative politics of Alberta, the oil-rich western province that is home to many of Canada’s most ardent climate change deniers, some of whom are Harper’s closest allies. These include Harper adviser and University of Calgary political scientist Barry Cooper as well as the Calgary-based denier organization The Friends of Science. Canadians recall a 2002 fundraising letter in which Harper launched an attack on “the job-killing, economy-destroying Kyoto Accord,” referring to the 1997 treaty that tried to put controls on carbon emissions. He called the treaty “essentially a socialist scheme to suck money out of wealth-producing nations.” And along with his cabinet members, he has made reference to “so-called greenhouse gases” and the “hypothesis” of climate change.

Global Climate Change Lobby

India struggles to confront climate change

By Murali Krishnan

New Delhi — The image of the new India is that of a nation on the move: rapid economic growth, a rising middle class, big infrastructure projects, and global business deals. All these suggest that India may be the next China, the next economic superpower to emerge from the developing world.

But there is another side to the world’s largest democracy: About 60 percent of Indians live on less than $2 per day. Over half the country’s billion-plus people lack formal access to electricity. In some of India’s more crowded states, like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, with a combined population of 250 million residents have no electricity for a good part of the day, and villages in much of India’s outback are not connected to a power grid at all.

It is against this stark backdrop — against the pressing national imperative to reduce poverty and improve education and healthcare — that India grapples with how to address climate change. For years, the Indian government has viewed global warming through this domestic lens, arguing that mandated caps on greenhouse gas emissions would stunt its explosive economic growth and that, in any case, the industrialized world should bear the responsibility of relieving a problem it started decades ago.

Global Climate Change Lobby

Caught between competing interests in Brazil

By Fernando Rodrigues and Marcelo Soares

Brazil — “This is the second independence of Brazil,” declared an enthusiastic President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva as he raised the first barrel of oil extracted from the Tupi Basin, a vast reserve of crude recently discovered under the salt layer of the Atlantic Ocean some three miles deep and 200 miles off the São Paulo coast. That was on May 1, the Labor Day holiday in Brazil. Months before, in the same place, Lula had soaked his hands in oil and stamped them on the backs of jumpsuits worn by his aides.

Brazil lives a paradox. On the one hand, it is the tenth largest economy in the world and an emerging regional leader with a highly popular president. On the other, it ranks 75th in human development based on measures of literacy, education, and life expectancy. It is home to the biggest chunk of the Amazon rain forest, once called the “lungs of the world,” but it is also responsible for mass deforestation, an environmental, social, and economic scourge that is blamed as a factor in global warming. The country’s continued economic development requires more and more construction — growth that will only increase demand for energy and thus carbon emissions. This puts Brazil under pressure from all sides in relation to global climate change: from political opponents and supporters, businesses and NGOs, the federal capital Brasília and the states.

Global Climate Change Lobby

A climate dilemma for China

By Christina Larson

Beijing — China awoke to climate change with a storm. It was late January 2008, a time when people across the country were busily gathering recipes, stocking fireworks, and preparing to welcome relatives to celebrate the Lunar New Year. But suddenly, severe ice storms brought much of the nation to a standstill. For two weeks, fierce winds, sleet, and snow downed power lines, shuttered businesses, and razed more than 200,000 homes across southern and central China. Hundreds of thousands of travelers who had been headed home to see families were stranded on icy rail platforms. Cities struggled to provide power and water to residents, and snow blanketed the Taklamakan desert. Even the bright lights of Shanghai briefly went dark. All told, more than 100 people were killed.

China’s worst storm in decades was, according to United Nations scientists, an illustration of what a changing climate may herald for the future. As such, it was a tipping point in the country’s environmental awareness. “For the ordinary people,” says Hu Kanping, editor of the Environmental Protection Journal, “it was a historical moment for them to know what is climate change.” In an editorial comparing the storm to Hurricane Katrina, the influential Chinese business magazine Caijing wrote: “This painful experience ought to set us thinking about how we can better pay Nature the respect she deserves and should make us listen more attentively to what science tells us about how climate change leads to natural disaster.”

Global Climate Change Lobby

BINGOs and the global lobbyist

By Kate Willson

Bangkok — Protesters drenched by an October downpour gathered outside Bangkok’s United Nations Conference Center recently, shouting through bullhorns and denouncing countries for the weak commitments they’ve shown in negotiating a treaty to curb greenhouse gases. Inside, the atmosphere was more businesslike: professionals lingering around coffee bars, smiling at familiar faces, and grasping hands in recognition. Later, they would meet behind closed doors in a conclave dominated by representatives of the world’s top energy companies.

Welcome to the world of “BINGOs” — Business and Industry Non-Governmental Organizations that have long played a key role in shaping the global debate on climate change. Industry groups are operating under United Nations rules that exclude individual corporations from attending the climate summit, instead requiring businesses to join associations to represent them. The Bangkok talks were one of several sessions leading up to the formal negotiations, starting in Copenhagen on Dec. 7, aimed at producing a new global treaty limiting carbon emissions.

Here at the conference center, several dozen BINGO executives gathered to debrief each other on such high-stakes matters as global targets for emissions reduction, the number of carbon offsets, and timetables for implementation. But while the agenda of the BINGOs on climate change seems clear, their strategy is harder to discern. And the results of their efforts are often intangible. In other words, this is not lobbying as it is commonly understood. “What we do here is we loiter,” says John Scowcroft of the European Union of the Electricity Industry. “It’s loitering with intent.”

Global Climate Change Lobby

A case of lowered expectations in the US

By Marianne Lavelle

Todd Stern received a standing ovation from fellow negotiators when he was introduced at this year’s first session of international talks to craft a new treaty to combat climate change. As the new climate envoy for the United States, Stern represented the nation that had contributed more than any other to the world’s burden of greenhouse gases. But for eight years the industrial leader had largely been on the sidelines as the rest of the world tried to implement the solution embodied in an agreement signed in Kyoto, Japan, in 1997. Now, Stern represented a new president who had pledged to engage vigorously in global discussions aimed at arriving at a successor treaty by December in Copenhagen. As Germany’s environment minister said that March day in Bonn, the United States was “back in the game.” Stern would remember that instant long after the applause had died. It was the moment, he since has joked, when perhaps he should have quit while ahead.

Pages