Collateral Damage

The team, funding

The Project

Changes in United States foreign policy and military assistance programs that seemed so urgent after the September 11 attacks have paid off in the capture of dangerous terrorist suspects and the disruption of possible attacks. But five years on, the influence of foreign lobbying on the U.S. government, as well as a shortsighted emphasis on counterterrorism objectives over broader human rights concerns, have generated staggering costs to the U.S. and its allies in money spent and political capital burned. 

For more than a year, the Center for Public Integrity, through its International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ), conducted an investigation to assess the impact of foreign lobbying and terrorism on post-9/11 U.S. military training and assistance policies.

Africa

Profiteering on location

By Alain Lallemand

Allow us to introduce you to Djibouti, the United States' new East African ally in its campaign against terrorists: Its territory is slightly smaller than the state of New Hampshire. It is arid and torridly hot, 9,000 square miles of volcanic rock sticking out like a sore thumb on the Horn of Africa.

Collateral Damage

Jakarta's intelligence service hires Washington lobbyists

By Andreas Harsono and Nathaniel Heller

JAKARTA, Indonesia — Indonesia's national intelligence agency used a former Indonesian president's charitable foundation to hire a Washington lobbying firm in 2005 to press the U.S. government for a full resumption of controversial military training programs to the country, the Center for Public Integrity's International Consortium of Investigative Journalists has learned.

The documents were uncovered as part of a year-long ICIJ investigation into changes in America's post-Sept. 11 foreign military aid and assistance programs and the impact of those changes on human rights. The investigation, focusing on 10 key countries, including Indonesia, is scheduled for release in early 2007.The connection between the intelligence agency, Badan Intelijen Negara (BIN), and the charity group, the Gus Dur Foundation, is documented in papers filed by the lobbying firm, Richard L. Collins & Co., in compliance with the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).

After years of lobbying by both the Bush administration and the Indonesian government, Congress and the State Department in late 2005 fully reinstated military cooperation and aid to Indonesia, even though BIN has a long history of involvement in human rights abuses and was recently linked to the assassination of a prominent Indonesian human rights activist.

The Gus Dur Foundation was established by former Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, who goes by the nickname "Gus Dur" and is known for his moderate politics and support for human rights. Gus Dur and another foundation official denied knowing about the contract between their Jakarta-based charity group and the lobbying firm.

In May 2005, the Gus Dur Foundation retained Collins & Co. for $30,000 a month to lobby Congress to "remove legislative and policy restrictions on security cooperation with Indonesia," according to a copy of a signed contract.

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